was November 4, 1936 and there was great anticipation for the speech Durruti took the CNT-FAI radio, and would be broadcast all over Spain. That same day, the press had given the news of the appointment of four ministers in the government of Madrid anarchists. The Durruti Column was not able to leave Zaragoza. The main problem at the front, was given the difficulties in the supply of weapons. Durruti had exhausted all available methods. In early September, he had even sent a commando in Sabadell militia to hand over weapons that were hidden in view of forming a column that had never been created. There was also to say that, on October 24, the Generalitat had approved the decree of the militarization of the militias that re-enact the old Code of Military Justice, with effect from 1 November. Both the friends as enemies, waiting to hear what he said Durruti. Well before the transmission started, people began to crowd around the speakers located on the ramblas, until the radio announced: "Speak Durruti." Militarization
The decree had been hotly debated in the Durruti Column, who had decided to reject it, since he could not in any way to improve the control of volunteers in the militia on July 19, or to resolve the chronic shortage of weapons. Durruti had signed, on behalf of the Committee of War, a rejection letter addressed to the militarization of the Council of Ministers. La Colonna denied the need for discipline of the barracks, and opposed the superiority della disciplina rivoluzionaria; "Miliziani si; soldati mai!".
Alle 21:30 Durruti cominciò a parlare.
Aveva parlato per un'ora, Durruti, con la consueta energia e chiarezza. Aveva lanciato un allarme. Ricordava ai lavoratori la loro condizione di militanti rivoluzionari. Dava per scontato che i miliziani, che si opponevano al fascismo sul campo di battaglia, non dovessero essere disposti a rinunciare a lottare per l'emancipazione del proletariato e per la rivoluzione sociale. Non venne pronunciata una sola frase demagogica, o retorica, ma ogni cosa andò al suo posto. Ce n'era per tutti. Per chi stava in alto e per chi stava in basso. Per gli operai e per i gerarchi della CNT appoltronati ai posti di comando, per i cittadini comuni e per i consiglieri della Generalidad e per i ministri anarchici nuovi fiammanti. Contro la deriva burocratica, contro la politica del governo. Mentre, nella retroguardia, si confondeva il dovere con la carità, l'amministrazione con il comando, la funzione con la burocrazia, la responsabilità con la disciplina, l'accordo con il decreto e l'esempio con l'ordine e il controllo.
La minaccia di "tornare a Barcellona" fece tremare i rappresentanti politici della borghesia, anche se era troppo tardi per correggere l'errore imperdonabile, e ingenuo, di luglio, quando la rivoluzione venne rimandata "fino a dopo la liberazione di Saragozza".
The immediate consequence of the radio address was the convening of Companys, the next day, November 5 at eleven o'clock at night, an extraordinary meeting at the Palace of Generalitad of all ministers and all representatives of political organizations and unions, to address the growing resistance to the implementation of the decree of the militarization of the militias, and the dissolution of the revolutionary committees. Durruti was the cause and object of the debate but all avoided to pronounce his name. Companys raised the need to do away with "los incontrolados" that regardless of any political organization or union, "undo everyone and everything affects us. " Comorera (psuche) stated that the UGT was expelled from its ranks those who do not comply with the decrees, and invited other organizations to do likewise. Marianet, secretary of the CNT after he boasted of sacrifice shown by the anarchists with their renunciation of one's ideological principles, he lamented the lack of tact in applying immediately to the Code of Military Justice, adding that after the decree of dissolution of committees, and thanks to the efforts of the CNT, there would be fewer incontrolados.
And it was not so much groups to be expelled, because of resistance to overcome, without causing riots, and people to convince. Nin (POUM), Herrera (FAI) and Fabregas (CNT) praised the efforts of all organizations in order to normalize the situation after July 19, and reinforce the power of the Government Council. Nin mediated in the dispute between Sandino, Chief of Defence, and Marianet on the causes of resistance to militarization, saying that "basically we all agree," and that there was some fear among the masses "to lose what they had won" but "the working class committed to form a real army." Nin sees the solution to the conflict in the creation of a Commissioner of War, representing all political and union organizations. For Comorera, molto più intransigente di Companys, il problema fondamentale risiede nella mancanza di autorità del governo: "gruppi di incontrollati continuano a fare quello che vogliono", non solo per la questione della militarizzazione e della condotta della guerra, ma anche per lo scioglimento delle commissioni e dei consigli, o per quel che riguarda l'approvvigionamento di armi nella retroguardia, o per la mobilitazione al fronte. Mancanza di autorità che, per Comorera, si estendeva anche alle collettivizzazioni, "che continueranno ad essere effettuate per capriccio, senza essere sottomettesse al decreto che le regola". Companys accettò la possibilità di modificare il codice militare e di creare a commissioner of war. Comorera and Andreu (ERC) insisted on the need to respect and enforce the decrees. The meeting ended with an address unit to the Catalan people for membership guidelines to all government decrees, and the commitment of all organizations to declare their support for the press to all government decisions. No one opposed the militarization: The problem for politicians and bureaucrats was only to find the way to being obeyed.
On 6 November, the Council of Ministers of the Republic decided, by unanimous vote (which included four ministers of the anarchists), the flight of the government from Madrid under siege by fascist troops. The contempt of the Federation local CNT in Madrid was expressed in a public manifesto wonderful declaring:
"MADRID, FREEDOM FROM MINISTERS WILL BE 'THE TOMB OF FASCISM. NEXT MILITIA! VIVA MADRID WITHOUT GOVERNMENT! LONG LIVE THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION. "
On November 15, a part of the Durruti column already fighting in Madrid, under the command of Durruti. On 19 November, on the Madrid front, a bullet, stray or otherwise, for the strikes.
died the following day.
Sunday, November 22, in Barcelona, \u200b\u200bcrowds, endless, chaotic and disorganized, a funeral procession. Progresses slowly. The two bands can not play in unison, increasing the confusion. The cavalry e le truppe motorizzate che dovevano precedere il corteo sono rimaste bloccate dalla folla. Le auto che trasportano le corone procedono a marcia indietro. Il corteo era guidato da molti politici e burocrati, ma i ruoli ufficiali se l'erano accaparrati Companys, presidente della Generalitad, Antonov-Ovseenko, console sovietico e Juan Garcia Oliver, ministro anarchico della Giustizia della Repubblica, che presero la parola sotto ill monumento a Colombo. Garcia Oliver anticipò gli stessi argomenti di sincera amicizia e di fratellanza tra antifascisti che avrebbe usato nel maggio 1937 per aiutare ad abbattere le barricate dei lavoratori in rivolta contro lo stalinismo. Il console sovietico dette inizio alla manipolazione ideologica di Durruti trasformandolo in un campione della military discipline and command unique. Companys gave him the vilest of insults when he said that Durruti is dead killed at the back like cowards die ... as those who die or are murdered by cowards. " The three agree in exalting above all anti-fascist unity.
The catafalque of Durruti was already the platform of counterrevolution.
Three speakers, senior representatives of the bourgeois government, Stalinism and bureaucracy anarchist, have played the popularity of a dangerous uncontrolled yesterday and today is a hero embalmed. When the coffin, eight hours after the start of the show, and without the official procession, but still accompanied by a curious crowd, has reached the Montjuic cemetery, could not be buried until the next day because hundreds of crowns obstructing the path. The excavated pit was too small, and torrential rain which was delaying enlarged. No one knows how Durruti died, since there are seven or eight different and contradictory versions, but it's much more interesting to ask why he died two weeks after talking on the radio. The radio address of Durruti was perceived as a dangerous threat, and demanded an immediate response, the extraordinary session of the government, and especially with the brutality of the Comorera, barely tempered by the CNT and the POUM, and finally with ' assumption of the common task of implement and enforce the decrees.
The sacred unity between anti-fascist bureaucrats workers, Stalinists and bourgeois politicians could not tolerate the uncontrolled tonnage of a Durruti: that is why his death was urgent and necessary. Opposing the militarization of the militias, Durruti personified the opposition and revolutionary resistance to the dissolution of the committees, under the command of the war by the bourgeoisie and the state-controlled enterprises expropriated in July. Durruti is dead because he had become a dangerous obstacle to the counter running. And for the same reason, Durruti was to be killed twice.
A year later, in commemoration of the anniversary of his death, the powerful Stalinist propaganda machine of government Negrin worked at full capacity to attribute the paternity of a slogan, which was originally invented by Ilya Ehrenburg, and subsequently approved by the bureaucracy of the High Committee of the CNT-FAI, with which they say the opposite of what he had always said and thought, "We have renounced everything except win." That is, Durruti gave up the revolution. There is even more complete and accurate version of his speech beamed November 4, 1936, as the anarchist press of the time had softened and censored Durruti during his lifetime.
Once dead, Durruti, God could be up to Lt. Colonel of the People!
(material from http://www.kaosenlared.net/noticia/habla-durruti )
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